desde nicaragua

On democracy, language and the next ALBA summit

As I mentioned in an earlier post, December 7 is the last day of the Purísima celebration. I hope to be in León tonight for the best parties. Between then and now, I'm riding buses, heading to the office to work on a few story ideas and reading the news.

* For The Nation, Greg Grandin, an NYU historian who specializes in Central America, writes about Chavismo and Democracy. After Sunday's "No" vote in Venezuela, critics and media  hailed it as a tribute to freedom and democracy, and a slap in the face to President Hugo Chávez's power grab. Grandin analyzes the points in the failed referendum, and writes about what direct democracy has actually meant in Venezuela.

Political scientists can debate the viability of direct, or "protagonist," democracy, but they would have a hard time making the case that politicians in Latin America's traditional representational systems are more accountable to their citizens. Throughout the 1990s, candidates for president repeatedly ran on antineoliberal platforms only to capitulate to the IMF and Wall Street once in office. And what system of checks and balances controls the monopoly power of Latin America's corporate media, as much a political as an economic force, or the "veto" that bond managers and banks have over a country's financial sovereignty? Hate him or admire him, Chávez at least tells voters what he plans to do: he made clear that in his re-election campaign he planned to introduce legislation that would allow him to seek yet another re-election ...

Never before have the majority of Venezuelans been so involved in the political life of the nation. Throughout the country, peasant organizations, cooperatives, women's and gay rights' organizations, indigenous groups, environmental activists, community councils and cultural associations argue about the possibilities, limits and perils of Chavismo. Hundreds of community radio and TV stations provide a forum for residents to express views, address local issues and learn, free of charge, production and broadcasting skills. Critics dismiss these stations as but more mechanisms of patronage and control. But all empirical evidence points to an extraordinary democratization of free speech, with little or no monitoring of content, frequent criticism of the government and uninhibited and robust grassroots participation. This is confirmed by yet another poll, released last month, by the respected Chilean firm Latinobarometro: for the third year running, Venezuelans are behind only Uruguayans in their satisfaction with their country's democratic institutions (59 percent compared with the regional average of 37 percent).

Also on The Nation's website, you can read pieces on the referendum by: Mark Weisbrot,  co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research; Sujatha Fernandes, a sociology professor who studies urban social movements in Venezuela; Chesa Boudin, a former intern on Chávez's foreign policy team; and Elisabeth Young-Bruehl, a psychoanalyst.

* Meanwhile, blogger Justin Delacour writes about a "glaring error" in an Associated Press story about the referendum:

It is incorrect to state that the constitutional changes would have "enabled him [Chavez] to remain in power for life." It would have been correct to say that the constitutional changes would have enabled Chavez to run for reelection indefinitely, but I can't emphasize enough that that is completely distinct from enabling him to "remain in power for life." Had term limits been eliminated, only the Venezuelan electorate could have enabled Chavez to "remain in power for life," and that would have been up to them. The distinction is really quite important.

It is an important distinction, and a good reminder of how much care foreign correspondents need to take when choosing words, as what they write defines for the outside world what is going on in a country.

* The NYT takes a look at the Millennium Challenge Corporation, a U.S. foreign aid agency that lets recipient countries undertake their own projects, instead of doling cash to American contractors and charities. The story highlights its "sluggish record in getting projects beyond the planning stage to the point where contractors can actually build the roads, irrigation canals, power plants and clean water systems that poor countries say they need."

I hope to talk to the folks in charge of the MCC's $175 million, 5-year project in Nicaragua, which aims to improve transportation in the northwest part of the country, strengthen property rights and develop rural businesses. Paul Trivelli, the U.S. ambassador to Nicaragua, wrote in August that some US$9.6 million has been dispersed to that date. More on this later.

* The next ALBA summit will not take place in Managua, as originally planned. The president confirmed yesterday that the sixth summit for the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas is happening in Caracas on Dec. 16 and 17, in homage to the grand liberator Simón Bolivar on the anniversary of his death.

Read about the ALBA model here.

Oh, and Guatemala's president-elect, Álvaro Colom, tells Nicaragua's president it'd be too complicated for his country to join ALBA since his country has already signed a free trade agreement with the States. He added that 62 percent of Guatemala's trade is with the U.S. "and obviously it's a little complicated for the country" to sign onto the Chávez's alternative agreement (EFE).

La Purísima and friendly strangers (or strange friends?)

"The faithful, musicians, neighbors and visitors come together at 3:30 a.m. to await the arrival of the Virgin on the street that corresponds with that day. At 4 a.m., someone with a megaphone announces her arrival down the nine streets, as is custom."
                                                          (La Prensa, my translation)

Yesterday La Purísima took over my street.

It started early, when I dreaming sweet dreams in my bed. And then, just outside my door: firecrackers, drums, people singing.

It was barely dawn and this small traveling procession down Calle El Arsenal called La Diana was only a hint of what would happen later.

La Purísima is a religious and cultural holiday celebrated across the country in the week leading up to Dec. 8. It honors the Virgin Mary and the most fantastic celebration happens in León, where it's said the tradition began. I will be in that city on Friday night, going from house to house, singing and asking strangers for candy:

Imagine ‘La Purísima’ like this: a richly decorated altar is placed in a corner of a family house, with a statue of the Virgin Mary‘s image. In front of this altar, a lot of chairs are arranged, that will be occupied by family members, friends, and neighbors invited by the house owners to celebrate its ‘Purísima’. Once all the guests arrive, the celebration starts with prayers to the virgin, but these are alternated with traditional songs. All the assistants accompany with whistles, tambourines and other instruments. While this takes place inside the house, outside some family members fire rockets and the so called ‘caraga cerrada’, (firecrackers) that contribute a lot to the boisterous celebration. Meanwhile the singings and prayers take   place, the host distributes to his/her guests fruits, traditional sweets, caramels, traditional drinks, sugar-cane and many other gifts.
                                                           (Vianica.com)

In Granada, La Purísima pits street against street in a festive competition for who can create the most beautiful image of the Virgin. I was at Calle Calzada, the city's busiest night-life street, the evening before. I liked their Virgin more.

Many hours later, after a day in Managua and a free pilates class, it is dark again. And it is growing louder outside my door.

I leave for the Bearded Monkey, the cheap hostel where my friend Sam bartends. He is off but there anyway, playing chess with the other Sam, who lately has been spending every day playing chess. The local chess master (his name is Bosco and he wants to sleep with a woman from every country) is playing some Australian guy and winning free beers. I find a candle, pull up a chair and read until the mosquitoes become too violent.

It is 8:30 p.m. I am walking toward the door when I see Marti.

I met this hippy from León about a month ago on the bus from Managua to Granada. He sat next to me and told me a poem from memory about a boy who grew up with the trees in the jungle. I never expected to see him again.

And then about two weeks ago at Euro Café we met again. He was putting up posters for some concert. We kissed cheeks and each went our seperate way. I never expected to see him again.

But now he is in Granada once more and we do see each other again. One would be shocked by the coincidences but this country is very small, and I am not surprised when the night ends in my room, Marti with his eyes closed and singing about birds and trees and lakes and garbage and Nicaragua.

Before this (and before the thought occurs to me that the family I live with might think I am crazy and sing very loudly to myself), we watch the parade. The procession begins at the end of Calle El Arsenal and unlike U.S. parades there is only one "float." Any by "float" I mean one gigantic image of the Virgin, something like this:

                                             (La Prensa)

Thousands of people are lined down my small street. One very large family has taken up my doorstep, children are lighting firecrackers, men are selling cotton candy and ice cream and toys and hot dogs, the prostitutes are out with their quesillos and you literally cannot walk without jostling or being jostled.

The chavalos and chavalas are looking good, and looking at each other.

Marti and I walk, taking part in the processesion. I guess you could say people parade, not floats. The thousands get into the street and follow or precede the Virgin. Together, the street brings her into the cathedral, where the night continues.

We do not go to the cathedral. We walk and run into so many people we know. Everybody I've ever met in Granada it seems is out. There is Carolina, the girl I met at the doctor's office six weeks ago. There is my crazy bike friend Eric, back from a week's vacation. And the weirdo ex-pats who always wave to me, with their young Nica girlfriends. And the bar owners and their patrons, and the same street kids and the cashew sellers.

This is a community and I feel a part of it. Soon I will leave it, move into the capital and see less and less of Granada. For now, I am happy to stay, and quite proud to live on Calle El Arsenal.

* * * * *

And for your reading pleasure today, I bring to you:

* Peru May Become Latin America's Next Success Story from the Cato Institute's blog. Yesterday, the U.S. Senate yesterday approved a free trade agreement with the Andean country, and this entry by Ian Vásquez highlights some of the market success Peru is recently experiencing. When I was there almost exactly a year ago, our amazing guide Roger was preparing to give a delegation of U.S. senators a tour of his country and convince them to sign the agreement.

Vásquez writes that Peru's success "has become an embarrassment for Hugo Chavez, who has neighboring Bolivia and Ecuador as client states and is pouring a lot of resources into the Peruvian countryside in a campaign to promote his anti-capitalist ideology. Peru has become a key country in Latin America’s ideological battle between the modernizers and the populists.

A lot still needs to be done in Peru before it can be declared a success story. For example, property and land still needs to be titled in the mountains, taxes are still very high, bureaucratic regulations remain onerous, labor laws are extremely rigid, the educational system is terrible. But the free trade agreement will help because it will give permanence to trade policy; and policy stability and competition have been key to Peru’s success thus far. If Alan Garcia can complete Peru’s unfinished agenda, he will have finally pushed the country into modernity and would go down not only as one of the greatest presidents of Peru, but also of Latin America at a critical time in the region’s history.

* And yesterday, the NYT had an interesting story about how undocumented Brazilians living in the U.S. are giving up on the "American Dream" and heading back home:

To explain an often wrenching decision to pull up stakes, homeward-bound Brazilians point to a rising fear of deportation and a slumping American economy. Many cite the expiration of driver’s licenses that can no longer be renewed under tougher rules, coupled with the steep drop in the value of the dollar against the currency of Brazil, where the economy has improved.

“You put it all together, and why should you stay in an environment like that if you have a place like Brazil, where there’s hope, a light at the end of the tunnel and it’s not a train to run you over?” said Pedro Coelho, a businessman in Mount Vernon, N.Y., who is known as the mayor of Brazilians in Westchester County. “Are they leaving? Yes, by the hundreds.”

* It seems like Cuba is the only country in Latin America and the Caribbean that will meet the UN Millennium Goal for universal education, according to a recent UNESCO report. Hopefully, Fidel can help some of that can trickle down to Nicaragua — because while for example Cuba has already reached adult literacy targets, Nicaragua is one of two countries in the region at "serious risk" of not attaining them, period.

* Finally, in the San Francisco Chronicle, a story about a visit to that city by the mayor of San Salvador, where gangs continue to be a major problem. The mayor, Violeta Menjivar, stopped by the Central American Resource Center to talk about "sharing gang prevention efforts, such as the resource center's tattoo removal program, that would be a good way to help break the international cycle of violence."

Meanwhile, presidential hopeful Tom Tancredo recently unveiled a TV ad (watch it here) that directly blames porous borders for allowing gangs that rape kids and push drugs into the United States. Given Tancredo's record, his simplistic conclusions are not surprising. "Secure our borders. Deport those that don't belong. Make sure they never come back," he says.

Please, sir, remember the civil war that brought gang members to the States in the first place, and who funded that war.